Lincoln-Douglas
First Joint Debate
Ottawa, August 21, 1858
Stephen Douglas’s Speech
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I appear before you to-day for the purpose of discussing
the leading political topics which now agitate the public mind. By an arrangement
between Mr. Lincoln and myself, we are present here to-day for the purpose
of having a joint discussion, as the representatives of the two great political
parties of the State and Union, upon the principles in issue between those
parties; and this vast concourse of people shows the deep feeling which pervades
the public mind in regard to the questions dividing us.
Prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great political parties,
known as the Whig and Democratic parties. Both were national and patriotic,
advocating principles that were universal in their application. An old line
Whig could proclaim his principles in Louisiana and Massachusetts alike.
Whig principles had no boundary sectional line—they were not limited by the
Ohio river, nor by the Potomac, nor by the line of the free and slave States,
but applied and were proclaimed wherever the Constitution ruled or the American
flag waved over the American soil. So it was, and so it is with the great
Democratic party, which, from the days of Jefferson until this period, has
proven itself to be the historic party of this nation. While the Whig and
Democratic parties differed in regard to a bank, the tariff, distribution,
the specie circular and the sub-treasury, they agreed on the great slavery
question which now agitates the Union. I say that the Whig party and the
Democratic party agreed on this slavery question, while they differed on
those matters of expediency to which I have referred. The Whig party and
the Democratic party jointly adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as the
basis of a proper and just solution of this slavery question in all its forms.
Clay was the great leader, with Webster on his right and Cass on his left,
and sustained by the patriots in the Whig and Democratic ranks, who had devised
and enacted the Compromise measures of 1850.
In 1851, the Whig party and the Democratic party united in Illinois in adopting
resolutions indorsing and approving the principles of the Compromise measures
of 1850, as the proper adjustment of that question. In 1852, when the Whig
party assembled in Convention at Baltimore for the purpose of nominating
a candidate for the Presidency, the first thing it did was to declare the
Compromise measures of 1850, in substance and in principle, a suitable adjustment
of that question. [Here the speaker was interrupted by loud and long-continued
applause.] My friends, silence will be more acceptable to me in the discussion
of these questions than applause. I desire to address myself to your judgment,
your understanding, and your consciences, and not to your passions or your
enthusiasm. When the Democratic Convention assembled in Baltimore in the
same year, for the purpose of nominating a Democratic candidate for the Presidency,
it also adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of Democratic
action. Thus you see that up to 1853-'54, the Whig party and the Democratic
party both stood on the same platform with regard to the slavery question.
That platform was the right of the people of each State and each Territory
to decide their local and domestic institutions for themselves, subject only
to the Federal Constitution.
During the session of Congress of 1853-'54, I introduced into the Senate
of the United States a bill to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska
on that principle which had been adopted in the Compromise measures of 1850,
approved by the Whig party and the Democratic party in Illinois in 1851,
and indorsed by the Whig party and the Democratic party in National Convention
in 1852. In order that there might be no misunderstanding in relation to
the principle involved in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, I put forth the true
intent and meaning of the act in these words: "It is the true intent and
meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory,
or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free
to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject
only to the Federal Constitution." Thus, you see, that up to 1854, when the
Kansas and Nebraska bill was brought into Congress for the purpose of carrying
out the principles which both parties had up to that time indorsed and approved,
there had been no division in this country in regard to that principle except
the opposition of the Abolitionists. In the House of Representatives of the
Illinois Legislature, upon a resolution asserting that principle, every Whig
and every Democrat in the House voted in the affirmative, and only four men
voted against it, and those four were old line Abolitionists.
In 1854, Mr. Abraham Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull entered into an arrangement,
one with the other, and each with his respective friends, to dissolve the
old Whig party on the one hand, and to dissolve the old Democratic party
on the other, and to connect the members of both into an Abolition party,
under the name and disguise of a Republican party. The terms of that arrangement
between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull have been published to the world by
Mr. Lincoln's special friend, James H. Matheny, Esq., and they were, that
Lincoln should have Shields's place in the United State Senate, which was
then about to become vacant, and that Trumbull should have my seat when my
term expired. Lincoln went to work to Abolitionize the old Whig party all
over the State, pretending that he was then as good a Whig as ever; and Trumbull
went to work in his part of the State preaching Abolitionism in its milder
and lighter form, and trying to Abolitionize the Democratic party, and bring
old Democrats handcuffed and bound hand and foot into the Abolition camp.
In pursuance of the arrangement, the parties met at Springfield in October,
1854, and proclaimed their new platform. Lincoln was to bring into the Abolition
camp the old line Whigs, and transfer them over to Giddings, Chase, Fred
Douglass, and Parson Lovejoy, who were ready to receive them and christen
them in their new faith. They laid down on that occasion a platform for their
new Republican party, which was to be thus constructed. I have the resolutions
of their State Convention then held, which was the first mass State Convention
ever held in Illinois by the Black Republican party, and I now hold them
in my hands and will read a part of them, and cause the others to be printed.
Here are the most important and material resolutions of this Abolition platform:
1. Resolved, That we believe this truth to be self-evident, that when parties
become subversive of the ends for which they are established, or incapable
of restoring the Government to the true principles of the Constitution, it
is the right and duty of the people to dissolve the political bands by which
they may have been connected therewith, and to organize new parties upon
such principles and with such views as the circumstances and exigencies of
the nation may demand.
2. Resolved, That the times imperatively demand the reorganization of parties,
and, repudiating all previous party attachments, names and predilections,
we unite ourselves together in defense of the liberty and Constitution of
the country, and will hereafter cooperate as the Republican party, pledged
to the accomplishment of the following purposes: To bring the administration
of the Government back to the control of first principles; to restore Nebraska
and Kansas to the position of free Territories; that, as the Constitution
of the United States vests in the States, and not in Congress, the power
to legislate for the extradition of fugitives from labor, to repeal and entirely
abrogate the Fugitive Slave law; to restrict slavery to those States in which
it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more slave States into the Union;
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; to exclude slavery from all
the Territories over which the General Government has exclusive jurisdiction;
and to resist the acquirements of any more Territories unless the practice
of slavery therein forever shall have been prohibited.
3. Resolved, That in furtherance of these principles we will use such Constitutional
and lawful means as shall seem best adapted to their accomplishment and that
we will support no man for office, under the General or State Government,
who is not positively and fully committed to the support of these principles,
and whose personal character and conduct is not a guaranty that he is reliable,
and who shall not have abjured old party allegiance and ties.
Now, gentlemen, your Black Republicans have cheered every one of those propositions,
and yet I venture to say that you cannot get Mr. Lincoln to come out and
say that he is now in favor of each one of them. That these propositions,
one and all, constitute the platform of the Black Republican party of this
day, I have no doubt; and when you were not aware for what purpose I was
reading them, your Black Republicans cheered them as good Black Republican
doctrines. My object in reading these resolutions, was to put the question
to Abraham Lincoln this day, whether he now stands and will stand by each
article in that creed, and carry it out. I desire to know whether Mr. Lincoln
today stands as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the
Fugitive Slave law. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day,
as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the
Union, even if the people want them. I want to know whether he stands pledged
against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a Constitution
as the people of that State may see fit to make. I want to know whether he
stands today pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.
I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the
slave trade between the different States. I desire to know whether he stands
pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States,
North as well as South of the Missouri Compromise line. I desire him to answer
whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any more territory unless slavery
is prohibited therein. I want his answer to these questions. Your affirmative
cheers in favor of this Abolition platform is not satisfactory. I ask Abraham
Lincoln to answer these questions, in order that, when I trot him down to
lower Egypt, I may put the same questions to him. My principles are the same
everywhere. I can proclaim them alike in the North, the South, the East,
and the West. My principles will apply wherever the Constitution prevails
and the American flag waves. I desire to know whether Mr. Lincoln's principles
will bear transplanting from Ottawa to Jonesboro? I put these questions to
him to-day distinctly, and ask an answer. I have a right to an answer, for
I quote from the platform of the Republican party, made by himself and others
at the time that party was formed, and the bargain made by Lincoln to dissolve
and kill the old Whig party, and transfer its members, bound hand and foot,
to the Abolition party, under the direction of Giddings and Fred Douglass.
In the remarks I have made on this platform, and the position of Mr. Lincoln
upon it, I mean nothing personally disrespectful or unkind to that gentleman.
I have known him for nearly twenty-five years. There were many points of
sympathy between us when we first got acquainted. We were both comparatively
boys, and both struggling with poverty in a strange land. I was a school-teacher
in the town of Winchester, and he a flourishing grocery-keeper in the town
of Salem. He was more successful in his occupation than I was in mine, and
hence more fortunate in this world's goods. Lincoln is one of those peculiar
men who perform with admirable skill everything which they undertake. I made
as good a schoolteacher as I could, and when a cabinet maker I made a good
bedstead and tables, although my old boss said I succeeded better with bureaus
and secretaries than with anything else; but I believe that Lincoln was always
more successful in business than I, for his business enabled him to get into
the Legislature. I met him there, however, and had sympathy with him, because
of the up-hill struggle we both had in life. He was then just as good at
telling an anecdote as now. He could beat any of the boys wrestling, or running
a foot-race, in pitching quoits or tossing a copper; could ruin more liquor
than all the boys of the town together, and the dignity and impartiality
with which he presided at a horse-race or fist-fight, excited the admiration
and won the praise of everybody that was present and participated. I symphathised
with him, because he was struggling with difficulties, and so was I. Mr.
Lincoln served with me in the Legislature in 1836, when we both retired,
and he subsided, or became submerged, and he was lost sight of as a public
man for some years. In 1846, when Wilmot introduced his celebrated proviso,
and the Abolition tornado swept over the country; Lincoln again turned up
as a member of Congress from the Sangamon district. I was then in the Senate
of the United States, and was glad to welcome my old friend and companion.
Whilst in Congress, he distinguished himself by his opposition to the Mexican
war, taking the side of the common enemy against his own country; and when
he returned home he found that the indignation of the people followed him
everywhere, and he was again submerged or obliged to retire into private
life, forgotten by his former friends. He came up again in 1854, just in
time to make this Abolition or Black Republican platform, in company with
Giddings, Lovejoy, Chase and Fred Douglass, for the Republican party to sand
upon. Trumbull, too, was one of our own contemporaries. He was born and raised
in old Connecticut, was bred a Federalist, but removing to Georgia, turned
Nullifier, when nullification was popular, and as soon as he disposed of
his clocks and wound up his business, migrated to Illinois, turned politician
and lawyer here, and made his appearance in 1841, as a member of the Legislature.
He became noted as the author of the scheme to repudiate a large portion
of the State debt of Illinois, which, if successful, would have brought infamy
and disgrace upon the fair escutcheon of our glorious State. The odium attached
to that measure consigned him to oblivion for a time. I helped to do it.
I walked into a public meeting in the hall of the House of Representatives,
and replied to his repudiating speeches, and resolutions were carried over
his head denouncing repudiation, and asserting the moral and legal obligation
of Illinois to pay every dollar of the debt she owed and every bond that
bore her seal. Trumbull's malignity has followed me since I thus defeated
his infamous scheme.
These two men having formed this combination to abolitionize the old Whig
party and the old Democratic party, and put themselves into the Senate of
the Untied States, in pursuance of their bargain, are now carrying out that
arrangement. Matheny states that Trumbull broke faith; that the bargain was
that Lincoln should be the Senator in Shields’s place, and Trumbull was to
wait for mine; and the story goes, that Trumbull cheated Lincoln, having
control of four or five abolitionized Democrats who were holding over in
the Senate; he would not let them vote for Lincoln, and which obliged the
rest of the Abolitionists to support him in order to secure an Abolition
Senator. There are a number of authorities for the truth of this besides
Matheny, and I suppose that even Mr. Lincoln will not deny it.
Mr. Lincoln demands that he shall have the place intended for Trumbull, as
Trumbull cheated him and got his, and Trumbull is stumping the State traducing
me for the purpose of securing the position for Lincoln, in order to quiet
him. It was in consequence of this arrangement that the Republican Convention
was impanneled to instruct for Lincoln and nobody else, and it was on this
account that they passed resolutions that he was their first, their last,
and their only choice. Archy Williams was nowhere, Browning was nobody, Wentworth
was not to be considered; they had no man in the Republican party for the
place except Lincoln, for the reason that he demanded that they should carry
out the arrangement.
Having formed this new party for the benefit of deserters from Whiggery,
and deserters from Democracy, and having laid down the Abolition platform
which I have read, Lincoln now takes his stand and proclaims his Abolition
doctrines. Let me read a part of them. In his speech at Springfield to the
Convention, which nominated him for the Senate, he said:
"In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and
passed. ‘A house divided against itself cannot stand.’ I believe this government
cannot endure permanently half Slave and half Free. I do not expect the Union
to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will
cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either
the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place
it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course
of ultimate extinction: or its advocates will push it forward till it shall
became alike lawful in all the States—old as well as new, North as well as
South."
["Good," "good," and cheers.]
I am delighted to hear you Black Republicans say "good." I have no doubt
that doctrine expresses your sentiments, and I will prove to you now, if
you will listen to me, that it is revolutionary and destructive of the existence
of this Government. Mr. Lincoln, in the extract from which I have read, says
that this Government cannot endure permanently in the same condition in which
it was made by its framers—divided into free and slave States. He says that
it has existed for about seventy years thus divided, and yet he tells you
that it cannot endure permanently on the same principles and in the same
relative condition in which our fathers made it. Why can it not exist divided
into free and slave States? Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton,
Jay, and the great men of that day, made this Government divided into free
States and slave States, and left each State perfectly free to do as it pleased
on the subject of slavery. Why can it not exist on the same principles on
which our fathers made it? The knew when they framed the Constitution that
in a country as wide and broad as this, with such a variety of climate, production
and interest, the people necessarily required different laws and institutions
in different localities. They knew that the laws and regulations which would
suit the granite hills of New Hampshire would be unsuited to the rice plantations
of South Carolina, and they, therefore, provided that each State should retain
its own Legislature and its own sovereignty, with the full and complete power
to do as it pleased within its own limits, in all that was local and not
national. One of the reserved rights of the States, was the right to regulate
the relations between Master and Servant, on the slavery question. At the
time the Constitution was framed, there were thirteen States in the Union,
twelve of which were slaveholding States and one free State. Suppose this
doctrine of uniformity preached by Mr. Lincoln, that the States should all
be free or all be slave had prevailed, and what would have been the result?
Of course, the twelve slaveholding States would have overruled the one free
State, and slavery would have been fastened by a Constitutional provision
on every inch of the American Republic, instead of being left as our fathers
wisely left it, to each State to decide for itself. Here I assert that uniformity
in the local laws and institutions of the different States in neither possible
or desirable. If uniformity had been adopted when the Government was established,
it must inevitably have been the uniformity of slavery everywhere, or else
the uniformity of negro citizenship and negro equality everywhere.
We are told by Lincoln that he is utterly opposed to the Dred Scott decision,
and will not submit to it, for the reason that he says it deprives the negro
of the rights and privileges of citizenship. That is the first and main reason
which he assigns for his warfare on the Supreme Court of the United Sates
and its decision. I ask you, are you in favor of conferring upon the negro
the rights and privileges of citizenship? Do you desire to strike out of
our State Constitution that clause which keeps slaves and free negroes out
of the State, and allow the free negroes to flow in, and cover your prairies
with black settlements? Do you desire to turn this beautiful State into a
free negro colony, in order that when Missouri abolishes slavery she can
send one hundred thousand emancipated slaves into Illinois, to become citizens
and voters, on an equality with yourselves? If you desire negro citizenship,
if you desire to allow them to come into the State and settle with the white
man, if you desire them to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make
them eligible to office, to serve on juries, and to adjudge your rights,
then support Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican party, who are in favor
of the citizenship of the negro. For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship
in any and every form. I believe this Government was made on the white basis.
I believe it was made by white men for the benefit of white men and their
posterity for ever, and I am in favor of confining citizenship to white men,
men of European birth and descent, instead of conferring it upon negroes,
Indians, and other inferior races.
Mr. Lincoln, following the example and lead of all the little Abolition orators,
who go around and lecture in the basements of schools and churches, reads
from the Declaration of Independence, that all men were created equal, and
then asks, how can you deprive a negro of that equality which God and the
Declaration of Independence awards to him? He and they maintain that negro
equality is guarantied by the laws of God, and that it is asserted in the
Declaration of Independence. If they think so, of course they have a right
to say so, and so vote. I do not question Mr. Lincoln's conscientious belief
that the negro was made his equal, and hence is his brother; but for my own
part, I do not regard the negro as my equal, and positively deny that he
is my brother or any kin to me whatever. Lincoln has evidently learned by
heart Parson Lovejoy's catechism. He can repeat it as well as Farnsworth,
and he is worthy of a medal from Father Giddings and Fred Douglass for his
Abolitionism. He holds that the negro was born his equal and yours, and that
he was endowed with equality by the Almighty, and that no human law can deprive
him of these rights which were guarantied to him by the Supreme ruler of
the Universe. Now, I do not believe that the Almighty ever intended the negro
to be the equal of the white man. If he did, he has been a long time demonstrating
the fact. For thousands of years the negro has been a race upon the earth,
and during all that time, in all latitudes and climates, wherever he has
wandered or been taken, he has been inferior to the race which he has there
met. He belongs to an inferior race, and must always occupy an inferior position.
I do not hold that because the negro is our inferior that therefore he ought
to be a slave. By no means can such a conclusion be drawn from what I have
said. On the contrary, I hold that humanity and Christianity both require
that the negro shall have and enjoy every right, every privilege, and every
immunity consistent with the safety of the society in which he lives. On
that point, I presume, there can be no diversity of opinion. You and I are
bound to extend to our inferior and dependent beings every right, every privilege,
every facility and immunity consistent with the public good. The question
then arises, what rights and privileges are consistent with the public good?
This is a question which each State and each Territory must decide for itself—Illinois
has decided it for herself. We have provided that the negro shall not be
a slave, and we have also provided that he shall not be a citizen, but protect
him in his civil rights, in his life, his person and his property, only depriving
him of all political rights whatsoever, and refusing to put him on an equality
with the white man. That policy of Illinois is satisfactory to the Democratic
party and to me, and if it were to the Republicans, there would then be no
question upon the subject; but the Republicans say that he ought to be made
a citizen, and when he becomes a citizen he becomes your equal, with all
your rights and privileges. They assert the Dred Scott decision to be monstrous
because it denies that the negro is or can be a citizen under the Constitution.
Now, I hold that Illinois had a right to abolish and prohibit slavery as
she did, and I hold that Kentucky has the same right to continue and protect
slavery that Illinois had to abolish it. I hold that New York had as much
right to abolish slavery as Virginia has to continue it, and that each and
every State of this Union is a sovereign power, with the right to do as it
pleases upon this question of slavery, and upon all its domestic institutions.
Slavery is not the only question which comes up in this controversy. There
is a far more important one to you, and that is, what shall be done with
the free negro? We have settled the slavery question as far as we are concerned;
we have prohibited it in Illinois forever, and in doing so, I think we have
done wisely, and there is no man in the State who would be more strenuous
in his opposition to the introduction of slavery than I would; but when we
settled it for ourselves, we exhausted all our power over that subject. We
have done our whole duty, and can do no more. We must leave each and every
other State to decide for itself the same question. In relation to the policy
to be pursued toward the free negroes, we have said that they shall not vote;
whilst Maine, on the other hand, has said that they shall vote. Maine is
a sovereign State, and has the power to regulate the qualifications of voters
within her limits. I would never consent to confer the right of voting and
of citizenship upon a negro, but still I am not going to quarrel with Maine
for differing from me in opinion. Let Maine take care of her own negroes
and fix the qualifications of her own voters to suit herself, without interfering
with Illinois, and Illinois will not interfere with Maine. So with the State
of New York. She allows the negro to vote provided he owns two hundred and
fifty dollars' worth of property, but not otherwise. While I would not make
any distinction whatever between a negro who held property and one who did
not; yet if the sovereign State of New York chooses to make that distinction
it is her business and not mine, and I will not quarrel with her for it.
She can do as she pleases on this question if she minds her own business,
and we will do the same thing. Now, my friends, if we will only act conscientiously
and rigidly upon this great principle of popular sovereignty, which guaranties
to each State and Territory the right to do as it pleases on all things,
local and domestic, instead of Congress interfering, we will continue at
peace one with another. Why should Illinois be at war with Missouri, or Kentucky
with Ohio, or Virginia with New York, merely because their institutions differ?
Our fathers intended that our institutions should differ. They knew that
the North and the South, having different climates, productions and interests,
required different institutions. This doctrine of Mr. Lincoln, of uniformity
among the institutions of the different States, is a new doctrine, never
dreamed of by Washington, Madison, or the framers of this Government. Mr.
Lincoln and the Republican party set themselves up as wiser than these men
who made this Government, which has flourished for seventy years under the
principle of popular sovereignty, recognizing the right of each State to
do as it pleased. Under that principle, we have grown from a nation of three
or four millions to a nation of about thirty millions of people; we have
crossed the Allegheny mountains and filled up the whole North-west, turning
the prairie into a garden, and building up churches and schools, thus spreading
civilization and Christianity where before there was nothing but savage barbarism.
Under that principle we have become, from a feeble nation, the most powerful
on the face of the earth, and if we only adhere to that principle, we can
go forward increasing in territory, in power, in strength and in glory until
the Republic of America shall be the North Star that shall guide the friends
of freedom throughout the civilized world. And why can we not adhere to the
great principle of self-government, upon which our institutions were originally
based? I believe that this new doctrine preached by Mr. Lincoln and his party
will dissolve the Union if it succeeds. They are trying to array all the
Northern States in one body against the South, to excite a sectional war
between the free States and the slave States, in order that the one or the
other may be driven to the wall.
I am told that my time is out. Mr. Lincoln will now address you for an hour
and a half, and I will then occupy an half hour in replying to him.
Lincoln’s Reply
MY FELLOW-CITIZENS: When a man hears himself somewhat misrepresented, it
provokes him—at least, I find it so with myself; but when misrepresentation
becomes very gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him. The first thing
I see fit to notice, is the fact that Judge Douglas alleges, after running
through the history of the old Democratic and the old Whig parties, that
Judge Trumbull and myself made an arrangement in 1854, by which I was to
have the place of Gen. Shields in the United States Senate, and Judge Trumbull
was to have the place of Judge Douglas. Now, all I have to say upon that
subject is, that I think no man—not even Judge Douglas—can prove it, because
it is not true. I have no doubt he is "conscientious" in saying it. As to
those resolutions that he took such a length of time to read, as being the
platform of the Republican party in 1854, I say I never had anything to do
with them, and I think Trumbull never had. Judge Douglas cannot show that
either of us ever did have anything to do with them. I believe this is true
about those resolutions: There was a call for a Convention to form a Republican
party at Springfield, and I think that my friend, Mr. Lovejoy, who is here
upon this stand, had a hand in it. I think this is true, and I think if he
will remember accurately, he will be able to recollect that he tried to get
me into it, and I would not go in. I believe it is also true that I went
away from Springfield when the Convention was in session, to attend court
in Tazewell county. It is true they did place my name, though without authority,
upon the committee, and afterward wrote me to attend the meeting of the committee,
but I refused to do so, and I never had anything to do with that organization.
This is the plain truth about all that matter of the resolutions.
Now, about this story that Judge Douglas tells of Trumbull bargaining to
sell out the old Democratic party, and Lincoln agreeing to sell out the old
Whig party, I have the means of knowing about that; Judge Douglas cannot
have; and I know there is no substance to it whatever. Yet I have no doubt
he is "conscientious" about it. I know that after Mr. Lovejoy got into the
Legislature that winter, he complained of me that I had told all the old
Whigs of his district that the old Whig party was good enough for them, and
some of them voted against him because I told them so. Now, I have no means
of totally disproving such charges as this which the Judge makes. A man cannot
prove a negative, but he has a right to claim that when a man makes an affirmative
charge, he must offer some proof to show the truth of what he says. I certainly
cannot introduce testimony to show the negative about things, but I have
a right to claim that if a man says he knows a thing, then he must show how
he knows it. I always have a right to claim this, and it is not satisfactory
to me that he may be "conscientious" on the subject.
Now, gentlemen, I hate to waste my time on such things, but in regard to
that general Abolition tilt that Judge Douglas makes, when he says that I
was engaged at that time in selling out and abolitionizing the old Whig party—I
hope you will permit me to read a part of a printed speech that I made then
at Peoria, which will show altogether a different view of the position I
took in that contest of 1854.
Voice—"Put on your specs."
Mr. Lincoln—Yes, sir, I am obliged to do so. I am no longer a young man.
"This is the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The foregoing history may
not be precisely accurate in every particular; but I am sure it is sufficiently
so for all the uses I shall attempt to make of it, and in it we have before
us, the chief materials enabling us to correctly judge whether the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise is right or wrong.
"I think, and shall try to show, that it is wrong; wrong in its direct effect,
letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska—and wrong in its prospective principle,
allowing it to spread to every other part of the wide world, where men can
be found inclined to take it.
"This declared indifference, but, as I must think, covert real zeal for the
spread of slavery, I cannot but hate. I hate it because of the monstrous
injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our republican
example of its just influence in the world—enables the enemies of free institutions,
with plausibility, to taunt us as hypocrites—causes the real friends of freedom
to doubt our sincerity, and especially because it forces so many really good
men amongst ourselves into an open war with the very fundamental principles
of civil liberty—criticizing the Declaration of Independence, and insisting
that there is no right principle of action but self-interest.
"Before proceeding, let me say I think I have no prejudice against the Southern
people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did
not now exist among them, they would not introduce it. If it did now exist
amongst us, we should not instantly give it up. This I believe of the masses
North and South. Doubtless there are individuals on both sides, who would
not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce
slavery anew, if it were out of existence. We know that some Southern men
do free their slaves, go North, and become tiptop Abolitionists; while some
Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slave-masters.
"When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin
of slavery than we, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution
exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it, in any satisfactory
way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I surely will not blame
them for not doing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly
power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institution.
My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and send them to Liberia—to
their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that
whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there may be in this, in the
long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there
in a day, they would all perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus
shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many
times ten days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings?
Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not
hold one in slavery at any rate; yet the point is not clear enough to me
to denounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically
and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine
would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the
sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feeling, whether
well or ill-founded, cannot be safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. It does seem to me that systems of gradual emancipation might
be adopted; but for their tardiness in this, I will not undertake to judge
our brethren of the South.
"When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them,
not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation
for the reclaiming of their fugitives, which should not, in its stringency,
be more likely to carry a free man into slavery, than our ordinary criminal
laws are to hang an innocent one.
"But all this, to my judgment, furnishes no more excuse for permitting slavery
to go into our own free territory, than it would for reviving the African
slave-trade by law. The law which forbids the bringing of slaves from Africa,
and that which has so long forbid the taking of them to Nebraska, can hardly
be distinguished on any moral principle; and the repeal of the former could
find quite as plausible excuses as that of the latter."
I have reason to know that Judge Douglas knows that I said this. I think
he has the answer here to one of the questions he put to me. I do not mean
to allow him to catechise me unless he pays back for it in kind. I will not
answer questions one after another, unless he reciprocates; but as he has
made this inquiry, and I have answered it before, he has got it without my
getting anything in return. He has got my answer on the Fugitive Slave law.
Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is the
true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution of slavery
and the black race. This is the whole of it, and anything that argues me
into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the negro, is
but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a man can prove
a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this
subject, that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with
the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have
no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose
to introduce political and social equality between the white and the black
races. There is a physical difference between the two, which, in my judgment,
will probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect
equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference,
I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having
the superior position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I
hold that, notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why
the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration
of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with
Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects—certainly not in color,
perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the
bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is
my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man.
Now I pass on to consider one or two more of these little follies. The Judge
is wofully at fault about his early friend Lincoln being a "grocery-keeper."
I don't know as it would be a great sin, if I had been; but he is mistaken.
Lincoln never kept a grocery anywhere in the world. It is true that Lincoln
did work the latter part of one winter in a little still-house, up at the
head of a hollow. And so I think my friend, the Judge, is equally at fault
when he charges me at the time when I was in Congress of having opposed our
soldiers who were fighting in the Mexican war. The Judge did not make his
charge very distinctly, but I can tell you what he can prove, by referring
to the record. You remember I was an old Whig, and whenever the Democratic
party tried to get me to vote that the war had been righteously begun by
the President, I would not do it. But whenever they asked for any money,
or land-warrants, or anything to pay the soldiers there, during all that
time, I gave the same vote that Judge Douglas did. You can think as you please
as to whether that was consistent. Such is the truth; and the Judge has the
right to make all he can out of it. But when he, by a general charge, conveys
the idea that I withheld supplies from the soldiers who were fighting in
the Mexican war, or did anything else to hinder the soldiers, he is, to say
the least, grossly and altogether mistaken, as a consultation of the records
will prove to him.
As I have not used up so much of my time as I had supposed, I will dwell
a little longer upon one or two of these minor topics upon which the Judge
has spoken. He has read from my speech in Springfield, in which I say that
"a house divided against itself cannot stand." Does the Judge say it can
stand? I don't know whether he does or not. The Judge does not seem to be
attending to me just now, but I would like to know if it is his opinion that
a house divided against itself can stand. If he does, then there is a question
of veracity, not between him and me, but between the Judge and an authority
of a somewhat higher character.
Now, my friends, I ask your attention to this matter for the purpose of saying
something seriously. I know that the Judge may readily enough agree with
me that the maxim which was put forth by the Saviour is true, but he may
allege that I misapply it; and the Judge has a right to urge that, in my
application, I do misapply it, and then I have a right to show that I do
not misapply it. When he undertakes to say that because I think this nation,
so far as the question of slavery is concerned, will all become one thing
or all the other, I am in favor of bringing about a dead uniformity in the
various States, in all their institutions, he argues erroneously. The great
variety of the local institutions in the States, springing from differences
in the soil, differences in the face of the country, and in the climate,
are bonds of Union. They do not make "a house divided against itself," but
they make a house united. If they produce in one section of the country what
is called for by the wants of another section, and this other section can
supply the wants of the first, they are not matters of discord but bonds
of union, true bonds of union. But can this question of slavery be considered
as among these varieties in the institutions of the country? I leave it to
you to say whether, in the history of our Government, this institution of
slavery has not always failed to be a bond of union, and, on the contrary,
been an apple of discord, and an element of division in the house. I ask
you to consider whether, so long as the moral constitution of men's minds
shall continue to be the same, after this generation and assemblage shall
sink into the grave, and another race shall arise, with the same moral and
intellectual development we have—whether, if that institution is standing
in the same irritating position in which it now is, it will not continue
an element of division? If so, then I have a right to say that, in regard
to this question, the Union is a house divided against itself; and when the
Judge reminds me that I have often said to him that the institution of slavery
has existed for eighty years in some States, and yet it does not exist in
some others, I agree to the fact, and I account for it by looking at the
position in which our fathers originally placed it—restricting it from the
new Territories where it had not gone, and legislating to cut off its source
by the abrogation of the slave-trade thus putting the seal of legislation
against its spread. The public mind did rest in the belief that it was in
the course of ultimate extinction. But lately, I think—and in this I charge
nothing on the Judge's motives—lately, I think, that he, and those acting
with him, have placed that institution on a new basis, which looks to the
perpetuity and nationalization of slavery. And while it is placed upon this
new basis, I say, and I have said, that I believe we shall not have peace
upon the question until the opponents of slavery arrest the further spread
of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it
is in the course of ultimate extinction; or, on the other hand, that its
advocates will push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all
the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. Now, I believe if
we could arrest the spread, and place it where Washington, and Jefferson,
and Madison placed it, it would be in the course of ultimate extinction,
and the public mind would, as for eighty years past, believe that it was
in the course of ultimate extinction. The crisis would be past and the institution
might be let alone for a hundred years, if it should live so long, in the
States where it exists, yet it would be going out of existence in the way
best for both the black and the white races.
A Voice— "Then do you repudiate Popular Sovereignty?"
Mr. Lincoln—Well, then, let us talk about Popular Sovereignty! What is Popular
Sovereignty? Is it the right of the people to have slavery or not have it,
as they see fit, in the Territories? I will state—and I have an able man
to watch me—my understanding is that Popular Sovereignty, as now applied
to the question of slavery, does allow the people of a Territory to have
slavery if they want to, but does not allow them not to have it if they do
not want it. I do not mean that if this vast concourse of people were in
a Territory of the United States, any one of them would be obliged to have
a slave if he did not want one; but I do say that, as I understand the Dred
Scott decision, if any one man wants slaves, all the rest have no way of
keeping that one man from holding them.
When I made my speech at Springfield, of which the Judge complains, and from
which he quotes, I really was not thinking of the things which he ascribes
to me at all. I had no thought in the world that I was doing anything to
bring about a war between the free and slave States. I had no thought in
the world that I was doing anything to bring about a political and social
equality of the black and white races. It never occurred to me that I was
doing anything or favoring anything to reduce to a dead uniformity all the
local institutions of the various States. But I must say, in all fairness
to him, if he thinks I am doing something which leads to these bad results,
it is none the better that I did not mean it. It is just as fatal to the
country, if I have any influence in producing it, whether I intend it or
not. But can it be true, that placing this institution upon the original
basis—the basis upon which our fathers placed it—can have any tendency to
set the Northern and the Southern States at war with one another, or that
it can have any tendency to make the people of Vermont raise sugarcane, because
they raise it in Louisiana, or that it can compel the people of Illinois
to cut pine logs on the Grand Prairie, where they will not grow, because
they cut pine logs in Maine, where they do grow? The Judge says this is a
new principle started in regard to this question. Does the Judge claim that
he is working on the plan of the founders of Government? I think he says
in some of his speeches—indeed, I have one here now-that he saw evidence
of a policy to allow slavery to be south of a certain line, while north of
it it should be excluded, and he saw an indisposition on the part of the
country to stand upon that policy, and therefore he set about studying the
subject upon original principles, and upon original principles he got up
the Nebraska bill! I am fighting it upon these "original principles''—fighting
it in the Jeffersonian, Washingtonian, and Madisonian fashion.
Now, my friends, I wish you to attend for a little while to one or two other
things in that Springfield speech. My main object was to show, so far as
my humble ability was capable of showing to the people of this country, what
I believed was the truth—that there was a tendency, if not a conspiracy among
those who have engineered this slavery question for the last four or five
years, to make slavery perpetual and universal in this nation. Having made
that speech principally for that object, after arranging the evidences that
I thought tended to prove my proposition, I concluded with this bit of comment:
"We cannot absolutely know that these exact adaptations are the result of
preconcert, but when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of
which we know have been gotten out at different times and places, and by
different workmen—Stephen, Franklin, Roger and James, for instance—and when
we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame
of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all
the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their
respective places, and not a piece too many or too few —not omitting even
the scaffolding—or if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the
frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in—in such a case
we feel it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin, and Roger
and James, all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked
upon a common plan or draft drawn before the first blow was struck."
When my friend, Judge Douglas, came to Chicago, on the 9th of July, this
speech having been delivered on the 16th of June, he made an harangue there,
in which he took hold of this speech of mine, showing that he had carefully
read it; and while he paid no attention to this matter at all, but complimented
me as being a "kind, amiable and intelligent gentleman," notwithstanding
I had said this, he goes on and eliminates, or draws out, from my speech
this tendency of mine to set the States at war with one another, to make
all the institutions uniform, and set the niggers and white people to marrying
together. Then, as the Judge had complimented me with these pleasant titles
(I must confess to my weakness), I was a little "taken," for it came from
a great man. I was not very much accustomed to flattery, and it came the
sweeter to me. I was rather like the Hoosier, with the gingerbread, when
he said he reckoned he loved it better than any other man, and got less of
it. As the Judge had so flattered me, I could not make up my mind that he
meant to deal unfairly with me; so I went to work to show him that he misunderstood
the whole scope of my speech, and that I really never intended to set the
people at war with one another. As an illustration, the next time I met him,
which was at Springfield, I used this expression, that I claimed no right
under the Constitution, nor had I any inclination, to enter into the slave
States and interfere with the institutions of slavery. He says upon that:
Lincoln will not enter into the slave States, but will go to the banks of
the Ohio, on this side, and shoot over! He runs on, step by step, in the
horse-chestnut style of argument, until in the Springfield speech he says,
"Unless he shall be successful in firing his batteries, until he shall have
extinguished slavery in all the States, the Union shall be dissolved." Now
I don't think that was exactly the way to treat "a kind, amiable, intelligent
gentleman." I know if I had asked the Judge to show when or where it was
I had said that, if I didn't succeed in firing into the slave States until
slavery should be extinguished, the Union should be dissolved, he could not
have shown it. I understand what he would do. He would say, "I don't mean
to quote from you, but this was the result of what you say." But I have the
right to ask, and I do ask now, Did you not put it in such a form that an
ordinary reader or listener would take it as an expression from me?
In a speech at Springfield, on the night of the 17th, I thought I might as
well attend to my own business a little, and I recalled his attention as
well as I could to this charge of conspiracy to nationalize slavery. I called
his attention to the fact that he had acknowledged, in my hearing twice,
that he had carefully read the speech, and, in the language of the lawyers,
as he had twice read the speech, and still had put in no plea or answer,
I took a default on him. I insisted that I had a right then to renew that
charge of conspiracy. Ten days afterward I met the Judge at Clinton—that
is to say, I was on the ground, but not in the discussion—and heard him make
a speech. Then he comes in with his plea to this charge, for the first time,
and his plea when put in, as well as I can recollect it, amounted to this:
that he never had any talk with Judge Taney or the President of the United
States with regard to the Dred Scott decision before it was made. I (Lincoln)
ought to know that the man who makes a charge without knowing it to be true,
falsifies as much as he who knowingly tells a falsehood; and lastly, that
he would pronounce the whole thing a falsehood; but he would make no personal
application of the charge of falsehood, not because of any regard for the
"kind, amiable, intelligent gentleman," but because of his own personal self-respect!
I have understood since then (but [turning to Judge Douglas] will not hold
the Judge to it if he is not willing) that he has broken through the "self-respect,"
and has got to saying the thing out. The Judge nods to me that it is so.
It is fortunate for me that I can keep as good-humored as I do, when the
Judge acknowledges that he has been trying to make a question of veracity
with me. I know the Judge is a great man, while I am only a small man, but
I feel that I have got him. I demur to that plea. I waive all objections
that it was not filed till after default was taken, and demur to it upon
the merits. What if Judge Douglas never did talk with Chief Justice Taney
and the President, before the Dred Scott decision was made, does it follow
that he could not have had as perfect an understanding without talking as
with it? I am not disposed to stand upon my legal advantage. I am disposed
to take his denial as being like an answer in chancery, that he neither had
any knowledge, information or belief in the existence of such a conspiracy.
I am disposed to take his answer as being as broad as though he had put it
in these words. And now, I ask, even if he had done so, have not I a right
to prove it on him, and to offer the evidence of more than two witnesses,
by whom to prove it; and if the evidence proves the existence of the conspiracy,
does his broad answer denying all knowledge, information, or belief, disturb
the fact? It can only show that he was used by conspirators, and was not
a leader of them.
Now, in regard to his reminding me of the moral rule that persons who tell
what they do not know to be true, falsify as much as those who knowingly
tell falsehoods. I remember the rule, and it must be borne in mind that in
what I have read to you, I do not say that I know such a conspiracy to exist.
To that I reply, I believe it. If the Judge says that I do not believe it,
then he says what he does not know, and falls within his own rule, that he
who asserts a thing which he does not know to be true, falsifies as much
as he who knowingly tells a falsehood. I want to call your attention to a
little discussion on that branch of the case, and the evidence which brought
my mind to the conclusion which I expressed as my belief. If, in arraying
that evidence, I had stated anything which was false or erroneous, it needed
but that Judge Douglas should point it out, and I would have taken it back
with all the kindness in the world. I do not deal in that way. If I have
brought forward anything not a fact, if he will point it out, it will not
even ruffle me to take it back. But if he will not point out anything erroneous
in the evidence, is it not rather for him to show, by a comparison of the
evidence, that I have reasoned falsely, than to call the "kind, amiable,
intelligent gentleman" a liar? If I have reasoned to a false conclusion,
it is the vocation of an able debater to show by argument that I have wandered
to an erroneous conclusion. I want to ask your attention to a portion of
the Nebraska bill, which Judge Douglas has quoted: "It being the true intent
and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State,
nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free
to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject
only to the Constitution of the United States." Thereupon Judge Douglas and
others began to argue in favor of "Popular Sovereignty" —the right of the
people to have slaves if they wanted them, and to exclude slavery if they
did not want them. "But," said, in substance, a Senator from Ohio (Mr. Chase,
I believe), "we more than suspect that you do not mean to allow the people
to exclude slavery if they wish to, and if you do mean it, accept an amendment
which I propose expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery." I believe
I have the amendment here before me, which was offered, and under which the
people of the Territory, through their proper representatives, might, if
they saw fit, prohibit the existence of slavery therein. And now I state
it as a fact, to be taken back if there is any mistake about it, that Judge
Douglas and those acting with him voted that amendment down. I now think
that those men who voted it down, had a real reason for doing so. They know
what that reason was. It looks to us, since we have seen the Dred Scott decision
pronounced, holding that, "under the Constitution," the people cannot exclude
slavery—I say it looks to outsiders, poor, simple, "amiable, intelligent
gentlemen," as though the niche was left as a place to put that Dred Scott
decision in—a niche which would have been spoiled by adopting the amendment.
And now, I say again, if this was not the reason, it will avail the Judge
much more to calmly and good-humoredly point out to these people what that
other reason was for voting the amendment down, than, swelling himself up,
to vociferate that he may be provoked to call somebody a liar.
Again: there is in that same quotation from the Nebraska bill this clause—
"It being the true intent and meaning of this bill not to legislate slavery
into any Territory or State." I have always been puzzled to know what business
the word "State" had in that connection, Judge Douglas knows. He put it there.
He knows what he put it there for. We outsiders cannot say what he put it
there for. The law they were passing was not about States, and was not making
provisions for States. What was it placed there for? After seeing the Dred
Scott decision, which holds that the people cannot exclude slavery from a
Territory, if another Dred Scott decision shall come, holding that they cannot
exclude it from a State, we shall discover that when the word was originally
put there, it was in view of something which was to come in due time, we
shall see that it was the other half of something. I now say again, if there
is any different reason for putting it there, Judge Douglas, in a good humored
way, without calling anybody a liar, can tell what the reason was.
When the Judge spoke at Clinton, he came very near making a charge of falsehood
against me. He used, as I found it printed in a newspaper, which, I remember,
was very nearly like the real speech, the following language:
"I did not answer the charge [of conspiracy] before, for the reason that
I did not suppose there was a man in America with a heart so corrupt as to
believe such a charge could be true. I have too much respect for Mr. Lincoln
to suppose he is serious in making the charge."
I confess this is rather a curious view, that out of respect for me he should
consider I was making what I deemed rather a grave charge in fun. I confess
it strikes me rather strangely. But I let it pass. As the Judge did not for
a moment believe that there was a man in America whose heart was so "corrupt"
as to make such a charge, and as he places me among the "men in America"
who have hearts base enough to make such a charge, I hope he will excuse
me if I hunt out another charge very like this; and if it should turn out
that in hunting I should find that other, and it should turn out to be Judge
Douglas himself who made it, I hope he will reconsider this question of the
deep corruption of heart he has thought fit to ascribe to me. In Judge Douglas's
speech of March 22d, 1858, which I hold in my hand, he says:
"In this connection there is another topic to which I desire to allude. I
seldom refer to the course of newspapers, or notice the articles which they
publish in regard to myself; but the course of the Washington Union has been
so extraordinary, for the last two or three months, that I think it well
enough to make some allusion to it. It has read me out of the Democratic
party every other day, at least for two or three months, and keeps reading
me out, and, as if it had not succeeded, still continues to read me out,
using such terms as "traitor," "renegade," "deserter," and other kind and
polite epithets of that nature. Sir, I have no vindication to make of my
Democracy against the Washington Union, or any other newspapers. I am willing
to allow my history and action for the last twenty years to speak for themselves
as to my political principles, and my fidelity to political obligations.
The Washington Union has a personal grievance. When its editor was nominated
for public printer I declined to vote for him, and stated that at some time
I might give my reasons for doing so. Since I declined to give that vote,
this scurrilous abuse, these vindictive and constant attacks have been repeated
almost daily on me. Will my friend from Michigan read the article to which
I allude?"
This is a part of the speech. You must excuse me from reading the entire
article of the Washington Union, as Mr. Stuart read it for Mr. Douglas. The
Judge goes on and sums up, as I think, correctly:
"Mr. President, you here find several distinct propositions advanced boldly
by the Washington Union editorially, and apparently authoritatively, and
any man who questions any of them is denounced as an Abolitionist, a Freesoiler,
a fanatic. The propositions are, first, that the primary object of all government
at its original institution is the protection of person and property; second,
that the Constitution of the United States declares that the citizens of
each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens
in the several States; and that, therefore, thirdly, all State laws, whether
organic or otherwise, which prohibit the citizens of one State from settling
in another with their slave property, and especially declaring it forfeited,
are direct violations of the original intention of the Government and Constitution
of the United States; and, fourth, that the emancipation of the slaves of
the Northern States was a gross outrage on the rights of property, inasmuch
as it was involuntarily done on the part of the owner.
"Remember that this article was published in the Union on the 17th of November,
and on the 18th appeared the first article giving the adhesion of the Union
to the Lecompton Constitution. It was in these words:
" `KANSAS AND HER CONSTITUTION—The vexed question is settled. The problem
is solved. The dead point of danger is passed. All serious trouble to Kansas
affairs is over and gone'—
"And a column, nearly, of the same sort. Then, when you come to look into
the Lecompton Constitution, you find the same doctrine incorporated in it
which was put forth editorially in the Union. What is it?
" `ARTICLE 7, Section 1. The right of property is before and higher than
any Constitutional sanction; and the right of the owner of a slave to such
slave and its increase is the same and as inviolable as the right of the
owner of any property whatever.'
"Then in the schedule is a provision that the Constitution may be amended
after 1864 by a two-thirds vote.
"`But no alteration shall be made to affect the right of property in the
ownership of slaves.'
"It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton Constitution, that they
are identical in spirit with the authoritative article in the Washington
Union of the day previous to its indorsement of this Constitution."
I pass over some portions of the speech, and I hope that any one who feels
interested in this matter will read the entire section of the speech, and
see whether I do the Judge injustice. He proceeds: "When I saw that article
in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the
Lecompton Constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the Constitution
asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to prohibit slavery within
its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty
of the States of this Union."
I stop the quotation there, again requesting that it may all be read. I have
read all of the portion I desire to comment upon. What is this charge that
the Judge thinks I must have a very corrupt heart to make? It was a purpose
on the part of certain high functionaries to make it impossible for the people
of one State to prohibit the people of any other State from entering it with
their "property," so called, and making it a slave State. In other words,
it was a charge implying a design to make the institution of slavery national.
And now I ask your attention to what Judge Douglas has himself done here.
I know he made that part of the speech as a reason why he had refused to
vote for a certain man for public printer, but when we get at it, the charge
itself is the very one I made against him, that he thinks I am so corrupt
for uttering. Now, whom does he make that charge against? Does he make it
against that newspaper editor merely? No; he says it is identical in spirit
with the Lecompton Constitution, and so the framers of that Constitution
are brought in with the editor of the newspaper in that "fatal blow being
struck." He did not call it a "conspiracy." In his language it is a "fatal
blow being struck." And if the words carry the meaning better when changed
from a "conspiracy" into a "fatal blow being struck," I will change my expression
and call it "fatal blow being struck." We see the charge made not merely
against the editor of the Union, but all the framers of the Lecompton Constitution;
and not only so, but the article was an authoritative article. By whose authority?
Is there any question but he means it was by the authority of the President
and his Cabinet—the Administration?
Is there any sort of question but he means to make that charge? Then there
are the editors of the Union, the framers of the Lecompton Constitution,
the President of the United States and his Cabinet, and all the supporters
of the Lecompton Constitution, in Congress and out of Congress, who are all
involved in this "fatal blow being struck." I commend to Judge Douglas's
consideration the question of how corrupt a man's heart must be to make such
a charge!
Now, my friends, I have but one branch of the subject, in the little time
I have left, to which to call your attention, and as I shall come to a close
at the end of that branch, it is probable that I shall not occupy quite all
the time allotted to me. Although on these questions I would like to talk
twice as long as I have, I could not enter upon another head and discuss
it properly without running over my time. I ask the attention of the people
here assembled and elsewhere, to the course that Judge Douglas is pursuing
every day as bearing upon this question of making slavery national. Not going
back to the records, but taking the speeches he makes, the speeches he made
yesterday and day before, and makes constantly all over the country—I ask
your attention to them. In the first place, what is necessary to make the
institution national? Not war. There is no danger that the people of Kentucky
will shoulder their muskets, and, with a young nigger stuck on every bayonet,
march into Illinois and force them upon us. There is no danger of our going
over there and making war upon them. Then what is necessary for the nationalization
of slavery? It is simply the next Dred Scott decision. It is merely for the
Supreme Court to decide that no State under the Constitution can exclude
it, just as they have already decided that under the Constitution neither
Congress nor the Territorial Legislature can do it. When that is decided
and acquiesced in, the whole thing is done. This being true, and this being
the way, as I think, that slavery is to be made national, let us consider
what Judge Douglas is doing every day to that end. In the first place, let
us see what influence he is exerting on public sentiment. In this and like
communities, public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing
can fail; without it nothing can succeed. Consequently he who moulds public
sentiment, goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions.
He makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed. This
must be borne in mind, as also the additional fact that Judge Douglas is
a man of vast influence, so great that it is enough for many men to profess
to believe anything, when they once find out that Judge Douglas professes
to believe it. Consider also the attitude he occupies at the head of a large
party—a party which he claims has a majority of all the voters in the country.
This man sticks to a decision which forbids the people of a Territory from
excluding slavery, and he does so not because he says it is right in itself—he
does not give any opinion on that—but because it has been decided by the
court, and being decided by court, he is, and you are bound to take it in
your political action as law—not that he judges at all of its merits, but
because a decision of the court is to him a "Thus saith the Lord." He places
it on that ground alone, and you will bear in mind that, thus committing
himself unreservedly to this decision, commits him to the next one just as
firmly as to this. He did not commit himself on account of the merit or demerit
of the decision, but it is a Thus saith the Lord. The next decision, as much
as this, will be a Thus saith the Lord. There is nothing that can divert
or turn him away from this decision. It is nothing that I point out to him
that his great prototype, Gen. Jackson, did not believe in the binding force
of decisions. It is nothing to him that Jefferson did not so believe. I have
said that I have often heard him approve of Jackson's course in disregarding
the decision of the Supreme Court pronouncing a National Bank constitutional.
He says, I did not hear him say so. He denies the accuracy of my recollection.
I say he ought to know better than I, but I will make no question about this
thing, though it still seems to me that I heard him say it twenty times.
I will tell him though, that he now claims to stand on the Cincinnati platform,
which affirms that Congress cannot charter a National Bank, in the teeth
of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a bank. And I remind
him of another piece of history on the question of respect for judicial decisions,
and it is a piece of Illinois history, belonging to a time when the large
party to which Judge Douglas belonged, were displeased with a decision of
the Supreme Court of Illinois, because they had decided that a Governor could
not remove a Secretary of State. You will find the whole story in Ford's
History of Illinois, and I know that Judge Douglas will not deny that he
was then in favor of overslaughing that decision by the mode of adding five
new Judges, so as to vote down the four old ones. Not only so, but it ended
in the Judge's sitting down on that very bench as one of the five new Judges
to break down the four old ones. It was in this way precisely that he got
his title of Judge. Now, when the Judge tells me that men appointed conditionally
to sit as members of a court, will have to be catechised beforehand upon
some subject, I say, "You know, Judge; you have tried it." When he says a
court of this kind will lose the confidence of all men, will be prostituted
and disgraced by such a proceeding, I say, "You know best, Judge; you have
been through the mill." But I cannot shake Judge Douglas's teeth loose from
the Dred Scott decision. Like some obstinate animal (I mean no disrespect),
that will hang on when he has once got his teeth fixed; you may cut off a
leg, or you may tear away an arm, still he will not relax his hold. And so
I may point out to the Judge, and say that he is bespattered all over, from
the beginning of his political life to the present time, with attacks upon
judicial decisions—I may cut off limb after limb of his public record, and
strive to wrench him from a single dictum of the court—yet I cannot divert
him from it. He hangs, to the last, to the Dred Scott decision. These things
show there is a purpose strong as death and eternity for which he adheres
to this decision, and for which he will adhere to all other decisions of
the same court.
A Hibernian— "Give us something besides Drid [sic] Scott."
Mr. Lincoln—Yes; no doubt you want to hear something that don't hurt. Now,
having spoken of the Dred Scott decision, one more word and I am done. Henry
Clay, my beau ideal of a statesman, the man for whom I fought all my humble
life—Henry Clay once said of a class of men who would repress all tendencies
to liberty and ultimate emancipation, that they must, if they would do this,
go back to the era of our Independence, and muzzle the cannon which thunders
its annual joyous return; they must blow out the moral lights around us;
they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate there the love of liberty;
and then, and not till then, could they perpetuate slavery in this country!
To my thinking, Judge Douglas is, by his example and vast influence, doing
that very thing in this community, when he says that the negro has nothing
in the Declaration of Independence. Henry Clay plainly understood the contrary.
Judge Douglas is going back to the era of our Revolution, and to the extent
of his ability, muzzling the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return.
When he invites any people, willing to have slavery, to establish it, he
is blowing out the moral lights around us. When he says he "cares not whether
slavery is voted down or voted up''—that it is a sacred right of self-government—he
is, in my judgment, penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light
of reason and the love of liberty in this American people. And now I will
only say that when, by all these means and appliances, Judge Douglas shall
succeed in bringing public sentiment to an exact accordance with his own
views—when these vast assemblages shall echo back all these sentiments—when
they shall come to repeat his views and to avow his principles, and to say
all that he says on these mighty questions—then it needs only the formality
of the second Dred Scott decision, which he indorses in advance, to make
slavery alike lawful in all the States—old as well as new, North as well
as South.
My friends, that ends the chapter. The Judge can take his half hour.
Douglas’s Rejoinder
FELLOW-CITIZENS: I will now occupy the half hour allotted to me in replying
to Mr. Lincoln. The first point to which I will call your attention is, as
to what I said about the organization of the Republican party in 1854, and
the platform that was formed on the fifth of October, of that year, and I
will then put the question to Mr. Lincoln, whether or not, he approves of
each article in that platform, and ask for a specific answer. I did not charge
him with being a member of the committee which reported that platform. I
charged that that platform was the platform of the Republican party adopted
by them. The fact that it was the platform of the Republican party is not
denied, but Mr. Lincoln now says, that although his name was on the committee
which reported it, that he does not think he was there, but thinks he was
in Tazewell, holding court. Now, I want to remind Mr. Lincoln that he was
at Springfield when that Convention was held and those resolutions adopted.
The point I am going to remind Mr. Lincoln of is this: that after I had made
my speech in 1854, during the fair, he gave me notice that he was going to
reply to me the next day. I was sick at the time, but I staid over in Springfield
to hear his reply and to reply to him. On that day this very Convention,
the resolutions adopted by which I have read, was to meet in the Senate chamber.
He spoke in the hall of the House; and when he got through his speech—my
recollection is distinct, and I shall never forget it—Mr. Codding walked
in as I took the stand to reply, and gave notice that the Republican State
Convention would meet instantly in the Senate chamber, and called upon the
Republicans to retire there and go into this very Convention, instead of
remaining and listening to me.
In the first place, Mr. Lincoln was selected by the very men who made the
Republican organization, on that day, to reply to me. He spoke for them and
for that party, and he was the leader of the party; and on the very day he
made his speech in reply to me, preaching up this same doctrine of negro
equality, under the Declaration of Independence, this Republican party met
in Convention. Another evidence that he was acting in concert with them is
to be found in the fact that that Convention waited an hour after its time
of meeting to hear Lincoln's speech, and Codding one of their leading men,
marched in the moment Lincoln got through, and gave notice that they did
not want to hear me, and would proceed with the business of the Convention.
Still another fact. I have here a newspaper printed at Springfield, Mr. Lincoln's
own town, in October, 1854, a few days afterward, publishing these resolutions,
charging Mr. Lincoln with entertaining these sentiments, and trying to prove
that they were also the sentiments of Mr. Yates, then candidate for Congress.
This has been published on Mr. Lincoln over and over again, and never before
has he denied it.
But, my friends, this denial of his that he did not act on the committee,
is a miserable quibble to avoid the main issue, which is, that this Republican
platform declares in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave
law. Has Lincoln answered whether he indorsed that or not? I called his attention
to it when I first addressed you, and asked him for an answer, and I then
predicted that he would not answer. How does he answer? Why, that he was
not on the committee that wrote the resolutions. I then repeated the next
proposition contained in the resolutions, which was to restrict slavery in
those States in which it exists, and asked him whether he indorsed it. Does
he answer yes, or no? He says in reply, "I was not on the committee at the
time; I was up in Tazewell." The next question I put to him was, whether
he was in favor of prohibiting the admission of any more slave States into
the Union. I put the question to him distinctly, whether, if the people of
the Territory, when they had sufficient population to make a State, should
form their Constitution recognizing slavery, he would vote for or against
its admission. He is a candidate for the United States Senate, and it is
possible, if he should be elected, that he would have to vote directly on
that question. I asked him to answer me and you, whether he would vote to
admit a State into the Union, with slavery or without it, as its own people
might choose. He did not answer that question. He dodges that question also,
under the cover that he was not on the Committee at the time, that he was
not present when the platform was made. I want to know if he should happen
to be in the Senate when a State applied for admission, with a Constitution
acceptable to her own people, he would vote to admit that State, if slavery
was one of its institutions. He avoids the answer.
It is true he gives the Abolitionists to understand by a hint that he would
not vote to admit such a State. And why? He goes on to say that the man who
would talk about giving each State the right to have slavery, or not, as
it pleased, was akin to the man who would muzzle the guns which thundered
forth the annual joyous return of the day of our independence. He says that
that kind of talk is casting a blight on the glory of this country. What
is the meaning of that? That he is not in favor of each State to have the
right of doing as it pleases on the slavery question? I will put the question
to him again and again, and I intend to force it out of him.
Then again, this platform which was made at Springfield by his own party,
when he was its acknowledged head, provides that Republicans will insist
on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and I asked Lincoln
specifically whether he agreed with them in that? ["Did you get an answer?"]
He is afraid to answer it. He knows I will trot him down to Egypt. I intend
to make him answer there, or I will show the people of Illinois that he does
not intend to answer these questions. The Convention to which I have been
alluding goes a little further, and pledges itself to exclude slavery from
all the Territories over which the General Government has exclusive jurisdiction
north of 36 deg. 30 min., as well as South. Now I want to know whether he
approves that provision. I want him to answer, and when he does, I want to
know his opinion on another point, which is, whether he will redeem the pledge
of this platform and resist the acquirement of any more territory unless
slavery therein shall be forever prohibited. I want him to answer this last
question. Each of the questions I have put to him are practical questions—questions
based upon the fundamental principles of the Black Republican party, and
I want to know whether he is the first, last, and only choice of a party
with whom he does not agree in principle. He does not deny but that that
principle was unanimously adopted by the Republican party; he does not deny
that the whole Republican party is pledged to it; he does not deny that a
man who is not faithful to it is faithless to the Republican party; and now
I want to know whether that party is unanimously in favor of a man who does
not adopt that creed and agree with them in their principles: I want to know
whether the man who does not agree with them, and who is afraid to avow his
differences, and who dodges the issue, is the first, last, and only choice
of the Republican party.
A voice—" How about the conspiracy?"
Mr. Douglas—Never mind, I will come to that soon enough. But the platform
which I have read to you, not only lays down these principles, but it adds:
Resolved, That in furtherance of these principles we will use such constitutional
and lawful means as shall seem best adapted to their accomplishment, and
that we will support no man for office, under the General or State Government,
who is not positively and fully committed to the support of these principles,
and whose personal character and conduct is not a guaranty that he is reliable,
and who shall not have abjured old party allegiance and ties.
The Black Republican party stands pledged that they will never support Lincoln
until he has pledged himself to that platform, but he cannot devise his answer;
he has not made up his mind whether he will or not. He talked about everything
else he could think of to occupy his hour and a half, and when he could not
think of anything more to say, without an excuse for refusing to answer these
questions, he sat down long before his time was out.
In relation to Mr. Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against me, I have a word
to say. In his speech today he quotes a playful part of his speech at Springfield,
about Stephen, and James, and Franklin, and Roger, and says that I did not
take exception to it. I did not answer it, and he repeats it again. I did
not take exception to this figure of his. He has a right to be as playful
as he pleases in throwing his arguments together, and I will not object;
but I did take objection to his second Springfield speech, in which he stated
that he intended his first speech as a charge of corruption or conspiracy
against the Supreme Court of the United States, President Pierce, President
Buchanan, and myself. That gave the offensive character to the charge. He
then said that when he made it he did not know whether it was true or not,
but inasmuch as Judge Douglas had not denied it, although he had replied
to the other parts of his speech three times, he repeated it as a charge
of conspiracy against me, thus charging me with moral turpitude. When he
put it in that form, I did say, that inasmuch as he repeated the charge simply
because I had not denied it, I would deprive him of the opportunity of ever
repeating it again, by declaring that it was, in all its bearings, an infamous
lie. He says he will repeat it until I answer his folly and nonsense, about
Stephen, and Franklin, and Roger, and Bob, and James.
He studied that out--prepared that one sentence with the greatest care, committed
it to memory, and put it in his first Springfield speech, and now he carries
that speech around and reads that sentence to show how pretty it is. His
vanity is wounded because I will not go into that beautiful figure of his
about the building of a house. All I have to say is, that I am not green
enough to let him make a charge which he acknowledges he does not know to
be true, and then take up my time in answering it, when I know it to be false
and nobody else knows it to be true.
I have not brought a charge of moral turpitude against him. When he, or any
other man, brings one against me, instead of disproving it, I will say that
it is a lie, and let him prove it if he can.
I have lived twenty-five years in Illinois. I have served you with all the
fidelity and ability which I possess, and Mr. Lincoln is at liberty to attack
my public action, my votes, and my conduct; but when he dares to attack my
moral integrity, by a charge of conspiracy between myself, Chief Justice
Taney and the Supreme Court, and two Presidents of the United States, I will
repel it.
Mr. Lincoln has not character enough for integrity and truth, merely on his
own ipse dixit, to arraign President Buchanan, President Pierce, and nine
Judges of the Supreme Court, not one of whom would be complimented by being
put on an equality with him. There is an unpardonable presumption in a man
putting himself up before thousands of people, and pretending that his ipse
dixit, without proof, without fact and without truth, is enough to bring
down and destroy the purest and best of living men.
Fellow-citizens, my time is fast expiring; I must pass on. Mr. Lincoln wants
to know why I voted against Mr. Chase's amendment to the Nebraska bill. I
will tell him. In the first place, the bill already conferred all the power
which Congress had, by giving the people the whole power over the subject.
Chase offered a proviso that they might abolish slavery, which by implication
would convey the idea that they could prohibit by not introducing that institution.
Gen. Cass asked him to modify his amendment, so as to provide that the people
might either prohibit or introduce slavery, and thus make it fair and equal.
Chase refused to so modify his proviso, and then Gen. Cass and all the rest
of us, voted it down. Those facts appear on the journals and debates of Congress,
where Mr. Lincoln found the charge, and if he had told the whole truth, there
would have been no necessity for me to occupy your time in explaining the
matter.
Mr. Lincoln wants to know why the word "State," as well as "Territory," was
put into the Nebraska bill? I will tell him. It was put there to meet just
such false arguments as he has been adducing. That first, not only the people
of the Territories should do as they pleased, but that when they come to
be admitted as States, they should come into the Union with or without slavery,
as the people determined. I meant to knock in the head this Abolition doctrine
of Mr. Lincoln's, that there shall be no more slave States, even if the people
want them. And it does not do for him to say, or for any other Black Republican
to say, that there is nobody in favor of the doctrine of no more slave States,
and that nobody wants to interfere with the right of the people to do as
they please. What was the origin of the Missouri difficulty and the Missouri
Compromise? The people of Missouri formed a Constitution as a slave State,
and asked admission into the Union, but the Freesoil party of the North being
in a majority, refused to admit her because she had slavery as one of her
institutions. Hence this first slavery agitation arose upon a State and not
upon a Territory, and yet Mr. Lincoln does not know why the word State was
placed in the Kansas-Nebraska bill. The whole Abolition agitation arose on
that doctrine of prohibiting a State from coming in with Slavery or not,
as it pleased, and that same doctrine is here in this Republican platform
of 1854; it has never been repealed; and every Black Republican stands pledged
by that platform, never to vote for any man who is not in favor of it. Yet
Mr. Lincoln does not know that there is a man in the world who is in favor
of preventing a State from coming in as it pleases, notwithstanding. The
Springfield platform says that they, the Republican party, will not allow
a State to come in under such circumstances. He is an ignorant man.
Now you see that upon these very points I am as far from bringing Mr. Lincoln
up to the line as I ever was before. He does not want to avow his principles.
I do want to avow mine, as clear as sunlight in mid-day. Democracy is founded
upon the eternal principle of right. The plainer these principles are avowed
before the people, the stronger will be the support which they will receive.
I only wish I had the power to make them so clear that they would shine in
the heavens for every man, woman, and child to read. The first of those principles
that I would proclaim would be in opposition to Mr. Lincoln's doctrine of
uniformity between the different States, and I would declare instead the
sovereign right of each State to decide the slavery question as well as all
other domestic questions for themselves, without interference from any other
State or power whatsoever.
When that principle is recognized, you will have peace and harmony and fraternal
feeling between all the States of this Union; until you do recognize that
doctrine, there will be sectional warfare agitating and distracting the country.
What does Mr. Lincoln propose? He says that the Union cannot exist divided
into free and slave States. If it cannot endure thus divided, then he must
strive to make them all free or all slave, which will inevitably bring about
a dissolution of the Union.
Gentlemen, I am told that my time is out, and I am obliged to stop.